There’s a good article, by Neil Moss and Peter Mazereeuw in the Hill Times in which they quote Canadian parliamentary government expert, Professor Philippe Lagassé of Carleton University who says that “despite the crisis, there still remains a place for Parliamentarians to scrutinize the government … [and] … the role of Parliament is laid out in the Emergencies Act. The act still lays out responsibilities for parliamentary oversight of the government even when the act is being used … [therefore] … “That tells us that there is an expectation that Parliament should be continuing to scrutinize government, even during crises,” Prof. Lagassé told The Hill Times.“
Readers will recall that, just days ago, the Trudeau Liberals attempted an unprecedented and wholly unconstitutional power grab as they aimed to give themselves nearly dictatorial powers for 21 months ~ powers that would actually exceed those of a strong majority government, which is something that Canadians denied them in 2019. Only strong action by the Conservative opposition, aided by a few voices in the media, prevented Canada from sliding into a dictatorship. We can see that Viktor Orbán in Hungary succeeded where Justin Trudeau failed. What is happening Hungary, right now, is what Justin Trudeau’s Liberals planned for Canada.
The Emergencies Act is very clear in setting out how Parliament must be convened, even when it is prorogued or dissolved, to oversee all of the government actions. The authors of the current Emergencies Act ~ officials in the Brian Mulroney government, answering to then-Attorney General and later Governor-General Ray Hnatyshyn ~ were. very conscious of the too-broad scope of the old War Measures Act which was used, in peacetime, by Pierre Trudeau in 1970. The modern Emergencies Act differs from the old War Measures Act in two important ways:
- It is subject to the (1982) Charter of Rights; and
- It explicitly requires Parliamentary oversight.
The Hill Times journalists write that “Last week, Economic Development and Official Languages Minister Mélanie Joly (Ahuntsic-Cartierville, Que.) told Global News that the emergency powers that the government proposed—giving Finance Minister Bill Morneau (Toronto Centre, Ont.) spending powers until the end of 2021—were needed because of the slow pace of the Parliament.“
Given the pressure that the government is under, Prof. Lagassé suggested that they were trying to make “decisions very quickly and as effectively as possible, but not necessarily thinking about the best way to approach a problem.” And, he said, ““It’s always good to have a second set of eyes, and our system provides that through parliamentary scrutiny … [thus, he explained] … There is no incompatibility between an effective and efficient government and legislative scrutiny.”“
Professor Lagassé explains that “It’s understandable that in that situation they want to give themselves as much authority and flexibility as they can … [but] … That’s why it’s important to maintain these longstanding constitutional functions, because the second- and third-order effects of that are unknown at this time,” he added … [and] … “It just reminds us that that’s what Parliament is for, that’s what the courts are for, to make sure that when, under pressure, the executive attempts to go further than it should, that it gets reined in, if ever so slightly.”“
For the Trudeau regime, Parliament is just an inconvenient obstacle. They believe, deep in their bones, that they are entitled to rule Canada as they see fit, for their own benefit and for the benefit of the Laurentian Elites. For ordinary Canadians, like us, Parliament is our shield against would-be dictators their cronies. Parliament worked this time, despite the best efforts of the Trudeau Liberals.
Parliament worked, it worked for us, as it should. It is our Parliament. We, the people of Canada, are masters of the state and of the government, even though Justin Trudeau and the Laurentian Elites believe that they have a divine right to rule. It’s well past time to put Justin Trudeau on the political trash heap, where he belongs, and the Liberal Party on the opposition benches for a nice long time while they shake off the effects of a half-century of the Trudeaus, père et fils, and rediscover their liberal roots.
There is no place for a Viktor Orbán in Canada, and, thankfully, Canada’s Parliament stood up our own would-be dictator.